“The opposition to this project is massive and growing everyday”, “We have drawn a line in the sand. There will be no Enbridge Pipeline and there will be no crude oil tankers in our waters. This is not a battle that we intend to lose.”  Gerald Amos, MC at protest.

North Coast MLA Gary Coons, addressed some of the concerns regarding the project. Here is the public discussion.

Transcript of presentation to JRP

1217. MEMBER MATTHEWS: Good afternoon, Mr. Coons. Thanks a lot for jumping ahead and we welcome your comments. So if you would care to state your name and spell your last name for the record, please?

1218. MR. COONS: Thank you. Gary Coons. G-A-R-Y C-O-O-N-S.

1219. MEMBER MATTHEWS: Now, if you could proceed and help us answer those three questions, that would be great. Thanks.

— ORAL PRESENTATION BY MR. GARY COONS:

1220. MR. COONS: Thank you so much, and I sort of planned a summary of what I’m going to try to relate to and it’s in front of you. Thank you.

Oral presentation Mr. Gary Coons Transcript Joint Review Panel for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project – Panel Sessions

1221. And I’d like to acknowledge that we’re on Haisla territory and thank the Haisla for this opportunity, and thank the Panel for coming here and giving all of us an opportunity to look at some of the issues relating to the Northern Gateway Pipeline project.

1222. I’m Gary Coons. I’m the MLA for the North Coast; I live in Prince Rupert. And in the agenda it says I’m the B.C. Government representative and I represent the government but in the Official Opposition  – and proud of it.

1223. And if you look at the riding I represent, it’s Prince Rupert/Port Ed, the four villages Lax Kw’alaams, Metlakatla, Hartley Bay, Kitkatla, Haida Gwaii, the Central Coast from Klemtu, Bella Bella, Bella Coola Rivers Inlet. A wide diverse region that’s fairly dependent on the resources — the vital resources that our waters and land supply us.

1224. As stated in the terms of reference for the project and just to clarify with people, you know, the application is filed, the Panel determines if there’s sufficient information and, if so, a Hearing Order is put forward. If not, the process will not proceed until the required information is filed.

1225. In my brief presentation today, I’ll look at a number of the issues; information that I believe is incomplete and data that needs filing to ensure a fair and thorough understanding of this project.

1226. And I’m sure you have had quite a day today with the opening ceremony and going through the honourable and respectful nature of First Nations tradition and culture. And there’s a lot of emotion, a lot of passion, a lot of concern about this project and so I’d like to start off with looking at the VECs.

1227. Basically, the valued, environmental and socio-economic components and in Volume 6(c), in Section 3.32 on page 319 — and just for people out there that aren’t too sure what VECs are, VECs are the valued environmental and socio-economic components — and the application states the following:

“VECs related to the regional economic and social effects of the project will be made available at a later date.”

1228. And I have a real concern that this deficiency has to be addressed in this — in the documents before us and the VECs that have to be available are the regional population changes; regional employment opportunities; effects on well-being and delivery of protection and social services, community services and infrastructure;

Oral presentation Mr. Gary Coons Transcript Joint Review Panel for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project – Panel Sessions

health conditions and health care services; traditional culture; and regional transportation.

1229. And so my first point is I believe that in Volume 6(c) that the VECs have to be put before the public before we can make an informed decision.

1230. The second part I’d like to look at in Volume 6(c) are the cumulative effects, and on page 480 in Volume 6(c) under “Socio-economic Conditions” in 4.2.9, it says — there’s a paragraph in there talking about:

“In terms of cumulative effects, the project is expected to increase human health risks, but the assessment shows that the increases will be minor and indistinguishable from the current risk levels.”

1231. And the application says:

“Therefore, the cumulative effect is not significant.”

1232. And I beg to differ with that, and I’m sure a lot of people out there who are concerned about this project have a concern about cumulative effect, especially when part of the process for you to consider as a Joint Panel during the Joint Review.

1233. As far as under Section 16 of the CEAA, the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, it says — and this is part of the information that we got –

“The environmental effects of the project including the environmental effects of malfunctions or accidents that may occur in connection with the project, and any cumulative environmental effects that are likely to result from the project in combination with other projects or activities that have been or will be carried out.”

1234. And as a Panel, you need to look at the significance of the effects referred to above. I believe that you need to look at that and I don’t think the concern about cumulative effects and upstream effects are taken into account with the application before us.

1235. And as we know, or most of us know, you know, and question whether this review is taking into account the cumulative environmental effects associated with increasing oil sands productions which is another project or activity that is going on in conjunction with the pipeline and tankers on our coast.

1236. You know, and we need to know what are the upstream impacts of tar sands development with this project. And I have read and I’ve been told that this

Oral presentation Mr. Gary Coons Transcript Joint Review Panel for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project – Panel Sessions

project — it’s calculated that production associated with this project in front of us would produce 25 million barrels of toxic tailings, consume the same volume of natural gas as 1.3 million households do in a year, and consume the same amount of water annually as a city of 250,000 people.

1237. And I honestly believe that we cannot ignore — and you as a Panel cannot ignore — the impacts and the increased greenhouse gas emissions that will result from these other projects or activities that are in combination with the project before us, especially when in B.C. we have the B.C. Climate Action Charter which 178 communities have signed onto. So it seems like a real yin-yang situation where we are concerned about the environment but we’re supposedly proceeding with projects that are on the contrary.

1238. My second part are First Nations issues and I believe there are a few concerns about ATK, Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge. And as far as the project before us, it will be and will traverse Crown land and traditional territory and what we’ve noticed is that there is a real problem.

1239. What I’ve noticed in the application before us — that there is a concern with the Proponent getting and moving forward on Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge. And at this point in time, it seems that there’s been over 60 Aboriginal groups identified for engagement and only 17 studies are available in the package before us.

1240. I believe that before we move forward there has to be — it’s incumbent on the Panel and on the Proponent to ensure that all of the First Nations, all 60 First Nations, have the opportunity and the funding to move forward with the ATK program.

1241. And as required by the filing manual, Northern Gateway must incorporate Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge into the application and must exercise due diligence in obtaining and incorporating such reports. So I see that this section with ATK is lacking and it must be dealt with in a comprehensive manner.

1242. I’m going on to Volume 7C and as we all know there’s 8,000 pages and many volumes and so I’ve given you a summary and trying to keep my comments hopefully directed towards where I want to go.

1243. And in Section 7, basically the concern that we have is with the food, social and ceremony fisheries. And it says on page 716 in the report that FSC fisheries are important to coastal Aboriginal communities and are often a major component of their diet. Targeted species include — and it lists a bunch of them. FSC fishing occurs throughout Kitimat Arm. Exact locations and relative importance of the locations are not known.

1244. And I believe again that it’s incumbent on the Proponent and on the Panel to ensure that we do know the exact locations and relative importance of FSC fisheries to First Nations up and down the coast that might be impacted by this project.

1245. I’m moving on to Traditional Marine Use, and I’m going to look at Section — I’m still in Volume 7C. I’m looking at Section 8.31, page 8.4. And again it looks like there is unfinished business in here and deficiencies that must be addressed before a hearing order is issued.

1246. If we look at the baseline conditions of traditional marine resource use and this is a quote from page 8.4,

“There is currently very limited information on Aboriginal use of fish, wildlife, and vegetation resources for communities in the region.”

1247. And again, there’s very limited information and I believe that we have to know what that information is and it’s incumbent for the Proponent to do their due diligence on that.

1248. Okay. I’m now looking at page 910 in Volume 7C which is Section 9.5.32 and it’s on Mitigated Effects on the Human Environment. And it talks about heritage resources and traditional marine uses in the intertidal and shoreline regions could be affected during summer. And it talks about, and I’m reading right from page 910 –

“Aboriginal groups would be particularly sensitive because of their long association with and dependence on the sea for food, transportation, social and ceremonial purposes…”

1249. And this is a quote,

“…because detailed information regarding traditional use in these areas has not yet been provided, conclusions regarding effects on harvesting and cultural resources have not been reached.”

1250. And again I believe under the legislation and under the Act that it’s incumbent on the proponent to do their due diligence and work closely with First Nations to ensure that everything that is necessary for us to make decisions is included. So I believe this is — this deficiency precludes one from properly assessing

Oral presentation Mr. Gary Coons Transcript Joint Review Panel for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project – Panel Sessions

the application.

1251. The next volume I’d like to get into — and I’m going into Volume 8A. And I’m going to look at TERMPOL. And just for people out there, TERMPOL stands for Technical Review of Marine Terminal Systems in Transshipment Sites.

1252. And on page 1.1 in the introduction to 8A, it basically says Northern Gateway is completing a wide range of studies for review under the TERMPOL review process and this volume provides in summary form the results of the studies. And again, what we have before us are summarized studies and analysis and I think that it’s incomplete and there should be a full documentation of what studies were reviewed.

1253. Also on page 1.6 in Volume 8A it says,

“Northern Gateway informed Transport Canada in March of 2009 of its intent to complete detailed TERMPOL studies in support of marine transportation associated with the project.”

1254. And these will be submitted to the TRC in Q2 of 2010. And it talks about several additional studies and documents will be prepared before the start of the terminal operations.

1255. And I think this project is too vital, too important to those that live on the coast and First Nations that depend on the resources to have studies that are currently underway and several additional studies and documents that will be prepared. And we need them before us in order for us to ensure that we have the information to make wise decisions.

1256. I’m continuing with 8A and I’m going to look at the OPEP which is the Oil Pollution Emergency Plan and the OPPP which is the Oil Pollution Prevention Plan.

1257. So as I said I’m in Volume 8A under “Overview and General Information” about marine transportation on page 470. And it says under 4.7.12.1:

“The Kitimat terminal will be an oil handling facility as defined in Section 2 of the Canada Shipping Act and will need to develop an oil pollution emergency plan and an oil pollution prevention plan to comply with the Act.”

1258. And further down on page 470 its says:

Oral presentation Mr. Gary Coons Transcript Joint Review Panel for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project – Panel Sessions

“Northern Gateway intends to further develop a marine OSRP” which is an Oil Spill Response Plan “and a Kitimat terminal Oil Spill Response Plan as umbrella documents that is needed for their plan.”

1259. So we’re missing vital information concerning pollution emergency plans, pollution prevention plans and oil response plans and I think it’s incumbent as I have stressed previously that this must be dealt with in a comprehensive — in a comprehensive order for people to make wise decisions.

1260. And on page 4.72, — of Volume 8A it says:

“Northern Gateway intends to submit the terminal OSRP (Oil Spill Response Plan) including the OPEP (the emergency plan) and the OPPP documents to Transport Canada and to the NEB at least six months before the Kitimat terminal begins handling bulk oil.”

1261. I personally believe that’s unacceptable that we — the Proponent is going to submit documents about vital components of marine safety six months before operations start, especially when on page 487 it says: “The cornerstone of the contingency planning process is a general oil spill response plan” and it is not available to us.

1262. On page 489 it says:

“A detailed marine OSRP (Oil Spill Response Plan) has not yet been prepared.”

1263. And it goes on — you know — in this volume about the deficiencies and the information that is necessary before we move forward to a hearing and I believe the — you as a Panel — you’re required to consider the OPPP, the OPEP, the OSRP, yet these are not provided in the application before us and they must be prior to proceeding to a hearing.

1264. Again I got — I’m going into Volume 8C, the last volume that I’ve had the opportunity to glance at and I’m going to be looking at the QRA which is the quantitative risk analysis and this is in the preface to Volume 8C and it talks about the quantitative risk analysis and that it will be finalized in Q2 of 2010.

1265. And again, I believe that that is something that must be in this documentation before us before we move on to a hearing.

1266. And again, I do have to — as I’m going through Volume 8C and looking at

Oral presentation Mr. Gary Coons Transcript Joint Review Panel for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project – Panel Sessions

some of the additional information that they should be required to file I go into the next volume, Volume 8C, compared to Volume 8D where Volume 8A — you know, I talked about the OPPP and the OPEP and again it says in Section 1.1 in Volume 8C,

“An oil pollution prevention plan, an oil pollution emergency plan are being prepared and would be implemented to manage risk relating to hydrocarbon spills that might occur during vessel transport in Canadian waters.”

1267. And, you know, we cannot sit here, we cannot be in a position to make decisions when there are incomplete documentation provided in the proposal before us.

1268. They talk about, on page 5.1, in Section 8C, Incident Prevention and Response:

“Northern Gateway has developed an OSRP (Oil Spill Response Plan) concept founded on the vision of creating a model for response capability for the project-related activities.”

1269. I believe that those of us that live on the Coast, the First Nations whose original territories, the pipeline and tankers are going to be travelling through deserve more than a concept, an oil spill response plan concept and they need the concept before us and you know, before a Hearing Order is issued.

1270. The last point I want to bring up that needs some more clarification and should be required to be filed is dealing with emergency response plans and I’m still in Volume 8C, 5.2 on page 53. It says:

“The title response approaches and capabilities prior to commencement of marine transportation associated with the project Northern Gateway will complete project-specific emergency response plans for review by the National Energy Board and Transport Canada.”

1271. So prior to the commencement of marine transportation we’re going to get an emergency response plan for the project. I believe that’s totally unacceptable and that is something that is missing from this and must be identified and be addressed.

1272. So I guess those are additional information that I believe need to be filed by the Proponent prior to going to a hearing but I do have some comments and some thoughts about broader policy questions and issues within the draft list that I’ve got before me and that you’ve given us.

Oral presentation Mr. Gary Coons Transcript Joint Review Panel for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project – Panel Sessions

1273. And I believe that the Panel should not make a decision without considering the broader policy questions such as our energy future — you know — where are we going with the development of tar sands? Is it wise and prudent to pursue a crude oil pipeline to ship tar sands oil when we should be on a transition mode away from dirty fossil fuels?

1274. I think it’s incumbent on the Review Panel and the Proponent to look at the impact of this project, the cumulative impacts. I think there’s significant risks posted by lifting the existing moratorium on oil tanker traffic. Even though it’s a policy it’s not a written — it’s not a legislative document; it’s a policy that’s been going on for decades, through many Prime Ministers and Premiers.

1275. Even a minor oil spill on the Coast could dramatically affect coastal communities, the fishing and tourism economies, human health, cause severe and lasting damage to wildlife environment. And we’ve heard this concern earlier today. What about the — what about the liability for oil spills from tankers and pipelines; who is actually responsible?

1276. The last broader policy question and issues within the draft list I believe is First Nations. Many First Nations affected by the Enbridge project strongly oppose it. The 10 First Nations that are encompassed within the North Coast riding all oppose tankers on our coast line and the Enbridge project.

1277. Many people have mentioned to me that the JRP was developed without First Nations having any choice to the process. The JRP disregards First Nations’ right to govern, manage and make decisions in their territories and before this project can be approved in their territories it is believed international law affirms that Canada must have consent of First Nations.

1278. As I move forward to my conclusion — I’m sure a lot of people are looking forward to that — I’d like to look at Number 3, the locations for the oral hearings. And I believe, as we’ve heard before, from the health sec in Bella Bella, from Hartley Bay that there must be a wide — a wide stretch of region and territory to hold hearings in, as many places as possible, in the north, in the south, otherwise the process may shut people out.

1279. In building the Northern Gateway Pipeline, it affects all British Columbians, the majority of whom do not live within reasonable travelling distances. So I believe hearings should be held — numerous hearings should be held in the Lower Mainland and Vancouver Island, up and down watersheds that could be affected, including the Skeena, Fraser and Mackenzie rivers, who would be affected by downstream and upstream effects of pipeline construction and spills.

Oral presentation Mr. Gary Coons Transcript Joint Review Panel for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Project – Panel Sessions

1280. I believe on central and northern Vancouver Island communities there will be exposed to the risk of oil spills, and up and down the coast throughout Haida Gwaii, both along the tanker route, and I believe in smaller communities and First Nations communities it’s incumbent to have hearings in Nisga’a territory, Tsimshian, Haida, Kitasoo, Heiltsuk, Nuxalk, Wuikinuxv — those within my riding — and obviously Prince Rupert. I believe that there must be a hearing in that community.

1281. And in conclusion, I hope I have put forward some thought-provoking issues that I thought that needed to be filed, and I thank you for the opportunity in travelling to Haisla territory and to the northwest, and I hope I’m clear in my position on the status of the application as filed.

1282. It is not complete in the areas that I have identified to you, and I do believe that you, the Panel, must consider this application, the cumulative effects of this project and especially with the combination of other projects or activities that are being carried out.

1283. It’s imperative that the people of British Columbia, the First Nations whose traditional territories will be impacted and the communities who are concerned are listened to. They are the ones that are taking all the risk and seeing no benefit. And once again, thank you so much.

1284. MEMBER MATTHEWS: Okay. Thank you, Mr. Coons. We certainly appreciate your comprehensive description of your views on the application and I especially liked the specific references to sections of the application. That really helps us out as a Panel in taking another look at those sections and reviewing the application.

“Despite forty years of aboriginal women going missing or being found murdered along provincial highways, B.C. Liberal Minister George Abbott still insists it is not the time for an inquiry,” said Bob Simpson, New Democrat critic for Aboriginal Relations.

During Question Period on Thursday at the legislature, Simpson and other members of the Official opposition repeatedly asked the B.C. Liberal government to commit to a public inquiry.  Earlier in the day, First Nations leaders gathered on the steps of the legislature to underscore the importance of an inquiry.

“B.C.’s First Nations are unified and unequivocal that a public inquiry is critical to helping prevent more deaths and disappearances. If the B.C. Liberals are serious about a new relationship of recognition and reconciliation, they should be working with aboriginal communities and First Nations leaders on calling an inquiry to determine why women and children continue to go missing,” said Simpson.

“Unfortunately, the Minister and his B.C. Liberal colleagues are refusing to call a public inquiry.”

When Simpson asked the Aboriginal Affairs Minister to advocate for a public inquiry at the cabinet table, Abbott dismissed the request, saying that police investigations into individual cases would be sufficient.

“It appears that Minister Abbott will not listen to the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs, the Assembly of First Nations, or advocates for native women, who are all saying that an inquiry is needed to help determine why so many aboriginal women have been, and continue to be, murdered in this province,” said Gary Coons, MLA for North Coast.

“If we are going to take steps to address and prevent violence, we need to get answers to these difficult questions,” emphasized Coons.

“Today B.C. is facing significant challenges, including heavy job losses, persistent child poverty rates and an extended recession in which families are struggling to make ends meet. Not only did the Liberals fail to mention these challenges in the Throne Speech, they failed to put forward a plan to address them,” said James.

“A year ago, the B.C. Liberals promised ‘bold action’ on the economy. They delivered deep cuts to public services, a plan for more privatization and the Harmonized Sales Tax – a regressive tax that will hurt consumers and small businesses and kill jobs. That’s the wrong approach for our economy, and New Democrats will continue the fight to stop the HST.”

North Coast MLA Gary Coons echoed these concerns. “This speech from the Premier highlights how out of touch he is with those struggling in our province. We needed a visionary discourse that would guide through this difficult time and all we got was indicators that B.C. is in for even deeper cuts and tough times to come.”

Coons recognized the Premier’s ability at ‘doublespeak’ throughout the Throne Speech. For example when the Premier says:

1) The government will “take a fresh look at B.C.’s regulatory regimes,”…

Translation: more cuts to ministry staff who enforce provincial laws and regulations, and a complete watering down of current Environmental Assessments to the detriment of our fish and wildlife.

2) “the government will pursue more public-private partnerships in “transportation, health delivery, education support services, systems management and more,”…

Translation: a continuation of the outsourcing of public jobs to private interests, out of the reach of FOI and public reporting, and funneling profits into multi-national corporations instead of into vital public services…..privatize , privatize to the detriment of the public!

3)  “lowering taxes remains a core feature of the government’s prosperity agenda..This session will feature additional measures to restore our economy and to create jobs in every sector;”…

Translation: Reducing government revenues even further in a time of already depressed tax revenues – either through further tax down-shifting from business to individual taxpayers, increased user-fees in lieu of taxes, or both…. just another downloading onto individuals and municipalities.

4) “Stemming the unaffordable growth in health costs is essential in meeting our obligation to rebalance the budget by 2013,” the speech said. “As long as we are spending more money to pay for our services than we are generating in revenue, we are living beyond our means.”…

Translation: Continue the massive service and funding cuts, as a means of degrading public services to the point where taxpayers will have to accept privatized service models in health care and other social services .

“British Columbians realize that we are in an unique position to build a sustainable economy that helps tackle climate change and creates the green jobs of tomorrow.” claims Coons, “Nothing in this Throne Speech laid any groundwork to reassure us this Premier has any economic vision past the Olympic games. The Speech deserved a ‘Gold Medal’ for its lack of vision and rehashing of old ideas.”

B.C. needs a public inquiry and a multi-agency police task force to examine the many cases of girls and women who have met violence on B.C. highways, say two community leaders who have been vocal about the so-called Highway of Tears case.

Grand Chief Stewart Phillip, president of the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs, has repeatedly called for a public inquiry into why girls and women, many of them native, have disappeared from or been found murdered along B.C. highways over the past 40 years.

The provincial government has so far failed to commit to an inquiry. That isn’t good enough, Phillip argues, because the families have waited too long for answers.

“It infuriates me that these things have gone on for so long and there hasn’t been closure and these families have continued to suffer and there has been so much indifference,” Phillip said.

Solicitor-General Kash Heed, who has the power to call such an inquiry and fund a police task force, was not available to speak Tuesday about the case, his staff told The Vancouver Sun.

The newspaper has just completed a four-day series about the Highway of Tears, which has generated much debate.

Phillip and NDP North Coast MLA Gary Coons both believe B.C. should follow the lead of Manitoba, which has formed an inter-agency task force to investigate cases of missing and murdered women in that province.

Coons also pointed to Edmonton, where a $100,000 reward has been offered for information about similar unsolved cases. His requests for a reward here have been rejected by provincial government, he said.

The current RCMP E-Pana investigation is examining only cases of murdered or missing women along three specific B.C. arteries: Highways 16, 97 and 5. Similar cases on other highways in B.C. and Alberta are not included, police say, for funding reasons and to keep the investigation a manageable size.

Coons also argues the provincial government needs to provide funding to enact the 33 recommendations that stemmed from the 2006 Highway of Tears symposium in Prince George.

“We thought with the 33 recommendations that we would finally move forward and here we are, four years later, and people are feeling like it is not getting the priority it should,” he said.

There needs to be, Coons argues, better transportation options between northern communities, an improved public awareness campaign to keep girls and women safe, and more police patrols on Highway 16, especially in the uninhabited 140 km stretch between Prince Rupert and Terrace.

There also needs to be permanent funding for the Highway of Tears coordinator, a position created after the symposium called for better communication between police and the family members.

Funding for the position ended Dec. 1.

Heed’s staff sent an e-mail to The Sun indicating some action has been taken on the recommendations, including: community forums and family meetings; a handful of anti-hitchhiking billboards erected along Highway 16, and police officers are now required to stop to talk to hitchhikers “if duties permit.”

The government has provided $100,000 to implement the report recommendations, and one-time funding of $68,000 for the coordinator’s position.

Phillip argues much more action is necessary in B.C., where there are two high-profile missing women cases: the Highway of Tears and the 64 women who vanished from the Downtown Eastside, 26 of them alleged victims of serial killer Robert (Willie) Pickton.

A recent tally by the Native Women’s Association of Canada indicates there are 520 “known” cases of missing or murdered native women, and that B.C. has the most of any province with 137 victims.

Phillip called for a change in how police investigate these cases, noting that many victims’ families have complained over the years about how their initial missing-person reports were treated poorly by officers.

He hopes to plan a coalition in January, possibly involving NDP MLAs and MPs, civil libertarians, native leaders, women’s advocates and others to push the government for an inquiry.

With the world watching Vancouver during the Olympics in February, Phillip hopes a record number of people will take part in the annual missing women Valentine’s Day march in the Downtown Eastside.

“We wouldn’t have been out marching in the streets demanding public inquiries into the missing and murdered women in the Downtown Eastside for the last 12 or 13 years if we had more effective policing, and I don’t think that will happen until we have fundamental changes,” he said.

Phillip said The Sun’s series on the Highway of Tears case is also a crucial piece of the puzzle, so the unsolved cases are kept alive in people’s minds.

Highway of Tears coordinator Mavis Erickson has also met with B.C.’s solicitor-general and attorney-general to demand an inquiry into the Highway of Tears case, to try to answer questions such as: What’s happened? How did justice fail us? What do we need to fix the problem of women’s safety?

“These cases have been cold for too long and we want the conspiracy of silence to end. And we want to know why the justice system failed so miserably,” said Erickson.

“I just think an inquiry will go a long way for closure for some families, although not all families.”

While some families also back a call for a public inquiry, Brenda Wilson does not. Wilson’s sister Ramona, 15, disappeared in 1994 from Smithers, and her body was not found for a year.

Brenda Wilson believes her sister’s case would benefit from an individual review so that the family’s specific questions are addressed.

These include why police waited so long to search for Ramona after she was reported missing; why the phone company wasn’t asked to trace a tip by a caller who told police where Ramona’s body would be found; and why the town of Smithers didn’t rally behind the Wilson family, instead opting to hold a fundraising dance for Melanie Carpenter, victim of a high-profile kidnapping in the Lower Mainland.

“It broke my heart. I knew we had to fight hard,” Wilson said.

She is somewhat optimistic that, one day, she may find out what happened to her sister, but that won’t be easy either.

“Because we’ll have to deal with it all over again, and to see if there is forgiveness and if we can learn from the process.”

Sally Gibson, the aunt of Lana Derrick, 19, who went missing in 1995 from Thornhill, remains frustrated there are still no arrests in her niece’s case and doesn’t feel these rural files get the kind of attention as those in the Lower Mainland.

“I think it is racism-plus. I don’t know what it is about being up north, but we don’t get the attention that they get down south. It seems like things happen down south and people are all over it. With the Highway of Tears, people didn’t talk about it,” Gibson said.

The wondering and waiting has been horrendous.

“There are people out there who say, ‘Oh, you’ll get over it.’ And you don’t. There’s no answer, no closure, no nothing,” she said, wiping away tears.

“It’s just like an open wound that people poke at once in a while.”

Connie Menton has her own hunches about who killed her niece Alisha (Leah) Germaine in Prince George in 1994, and is curious about why no arrests have been made. She believes people on the street have information about her niece’s case.

“All I can do is put out a plea. Please, if anybody knows anything, help us. We need to close the book on this thing,” Menton said.

“They know but they are too afraid. It was 15 years ago — you’d think there would be a crisis of consciousness to come forward.”

Her niece, and all the others whose lives were cut short, deserve justice, she added.

“I’ll never give up hope. I believe on that highway, somebody is doing something,” Menton said. “They are all girls. They are somebody’s poor innocent. Nobody deserves to die that way.”

Cory Millwater continues to pray for answers regarding her daughter Tamara Chipman, who disappeared from Prince Rupert in 2005, and the other unsolved cases.

“It scares me. I think it’s criminal that this many girls have disappeared and they’ve never figured out who’s doing it. I believe that a lot of them are connected because of the similar scenarios and the places they have disappeared from. There’s just too many of these girls who have gone missing for there not to be a connection,” she said.

“I think that as long as people keep [speaking out] that police will be forced to work on it and hopefully figure out what is going on. I’d like not only our case but all the cases solved… We all need to know.”

By Lori Culbert

Vancouver Sun

December 22, 2009

VICTORIA – Community groups have every right to be worried that the B.C. Liberals will use a potential shake-up of community gaming grants as an excuse to slash funding for charities even further, the New Democrats said today.

“The B.C. Liberals have admitted they are considering eliminating one of the key gaming grant programs that charities rely on. Coming from a government that failed to consult with community groups before slashing their grants earlier this year, this change raises serious questions about the B.C. Liberals’ intentions,” said New Democrat social development critic Shane Simpson.

“Community groups deserve a clear reassurance from the government that the B.C. Liberals will not use this change as an excuse to cut charities’ funding even further.”

In response to questions from Simpson in budget estimates (see below), Housing and Social Development Minister Rich Coleman confirmed he will decide in the next 30 to 60 days whether to eliminate bingo affiliation grants. Under this program, community organizations receive grants in return for volunteer activities in a specified bingo facility and in the community.

North Coast MLA Gary Coons is astonished by the latest attack on community volunteers: “Our communities, with great deliberation, allowed the expansion of gaming because of the local benefits that flow back to our community.  We had a “social contract” in regards to government bingo and gaming income and now that social contract is in danger of being irreparably broken by this Liberal government.”

After the election, the B.C. Liberals slashed funding for the other community grant program, known as direct access, by $77 million, leaving many charities and arts groups without the funding they have relied upon for years.

“Arts groups, sports teams, and animal rescue organizations have already paid big time for this government’s broken promises . They need to come clean with communities about its true intentions?”, said Coons.“Whether it’s the HST, or cuts to health care and education, the B.C. Liberals have proven they just can’t be trusted to uphold the public’s trust.”

Carole James and the New Democrats have been holding the B.C. Liberals accountable for breaking their word on the HST, and for backtracking on their election promises to protect health care, education, and other vital services.

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To read the Hansard for yourself:
http://www.leg.bc.ca/hansard/39th1st/H91027p.htm

Prince Rupert– British Columbians have the right to know if they will be footing the bill for BC Liberal MLAs to watch coveted Olympic events from a luxury suite during the Games, the New Democrats said today.

“The B.C. Liberals are spending nearly a million taxpayer dollars to buy prime Olympic tickets so that they and their friends can watch events for free. It’s simply not acceptable. To make matters worse, when the B.C. Liberals were caught with their hand in the cookie jar, they tried to hide it from British Columbians,” said New Democrat critic for the Olympics Kathy Corrigan.

This week Carole James and the New Democrats revealed that the B.C. Liberals spent nearly a million taxpayer dollars on three thousand Olympic tickets, including at least two luxury boxes at coveted hockey and skating events. Many of the tickets have been set aside for B.C. Liberal MLAs and cabinet ministers for the purposes of ‘Olympic community engagement and leveraging’, according to documents obtained by the Opposition.

“The government is spending close to a million dollars of taxpayers’ money on Olympic tickets while cutting funding for mental health services in the northwest, children’s’ school sports, DPACs and the Special Olympics,” said Gary Coons , MLA for the North Coast.

“The B.C. Liberals should get their priorities straight and realize that all British Columbians have a right to attend the games. MLAs should not be abusing their position to attend Olympic Games. They should purchase tickets like everyone else.”

When the issue was first raised on Wednesday, Olympics Minister Mary McNeil said the government had not yet set any rules over how the free tickets will be distributed. The next day, the Liberals revealed they were stashing a pool of up to 2,000 tickets, which could be sold to B.C. Liberal insiders while the other British Columbians without tickets have to pay scalpers’ prices if they want to attend events. “At the end of the day the B.C. Liberal MLAs hid the fact that they bought these tickets from the public. As elected representatives they have a responsibility to the public to tell whether or not they will be accepting free Olympic tickets.”

Corrigan noted that the $1 million for B.C. Liberals to entertain guests at the Olympics comes on top of around $1.4 million for tickets already shelled out by Crown corporations B.C. Hydro, B.C. Lottery Corporation and ICBC.

“In these difficult times, when the public is tightening their belts, for government to say, ‘we’ll just lay out one million and worry about it afterwards’ is incredibly irresponsible,” said Corrigan.

Carole James and the New Democrats have been calling on the government to designate a formal role to the Auditor General to monitor and report on Olympic costs and bring back accountability and transparency around government spending.

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Already under attack for autism cuts, Polak plans to terminate the provincial adviser to the supported child development program at the end of the month. The adviser to the infant development program will be gone by the end of the year.

Under fire in the legislature, Polak portrayed the cuts as “administrative,” arguing that the advisers perform an intermediary role between the ministry and front-line workers. Eliminating the two positions will save $600,000 a year, she said.

“The fact remains that these are administrative positions that we can fulfil the duties of within the ministry, and that allows us to direct increased funding to front-line direct services to kids.”

But the NDP, front-line workers, and advocates for the disabled accused Polak of another misguided assault on children with special needs.

Lorraine Seline, an infant development consultant in Parksville-Qualicum, said she relies on the provincial adviser to keep her apprised of the latest research, and make sure that she’s meeting high standards.

“This is not a pencil-pusher sitting in her office, an intermediary doing bureaucratic paper work,” Seline said. “This is a person keeping us current, making me feel more confident when I go back into the field when I’m working with families.”

For people working in remote areas, without access to specialists, the adviser’s role becomes even more crucial, Seline said.

The B.C. Association for Community Living argues that the advisers are responsible for the high standards of early childhood development programs across the province.

“It seems to me that the focus has been saying, ‘Well, let’s leave the front-line in there, but let’s cut behind the scenes,” said Leila Rahemtulla, who sits on the association’s board of directors. “However, I think the strength of those front-line consultants has come from that second layer of people at the provincial level that do the research, that co-ordinate all the different agencies.”

Rahemtulla, whose son benefited from the infant development program, fears Polak’s decision will simply download more responsibilities onto front-line workers.

NDP MLA Gary Coons, who represents North Coast, said the advisers represent a “lifeline” to rural parents who need to gain access to support programs for special-needs children.

“Experts in the field rebuke this minister’s spin and rhetoric,” he said. “The B.C. Community Association for Community Living says that it’s not an administrative cut.”

But Polak said: “I just can’t understand why the opposition would want to maintain government positions at the expense of services to kids. What is it you don’t like about providing front-line services to kids?”

By Lindsay Kines and Rob Shaw

Victoria Times Colonist

October 6, 2009

 VICTORIA – The B.C. Liberal government should be ashamed now that British Columbia has the lowest minimum wage in the country, New Democrats said today.

As of September 1, B.C. now has the distinction of having the lowest minimum wage in Canada at $8 an hour, and a training wage that starts at $6. The B.C. Liberal government has refused to raise the minimum wage since they were first elected eight years ago.

“We have the lowest minimum wage in Canada, and one of the highest costs of living – how does the B.C. government justify that?” asked North Coast MLA Gary Coons.

New Brunswick had an $8 minimum wage up until Tuesday, when they raised the rate. Coons noted that the cost of living in New Brunswick is also dramatically lower than in British Columbia.

Coons said that Tuesday’s budget will result in increased costs for low income families, even as vital services continue to be cut. Many on the North Coast face hardships due to our poor economy and lack of opportunity. Many more are stuck in the vicious cycle of an unduly restrictive qualifying threshold for Employment Insurance Benefits and get forced on Social Assistance. The huge gap between the rich and the poor continues to grow under this government. This ‘tax and cut’ budget has nothing to alleviate the fact that the North Coast has the highest rate of social safety net dependency in the province at 7.4%! (the Cariboo was second highest (6.6%).

The bulk of the increase in Campbell’s budget is an additional $420 million to address massive increases in the number of British Columbians on social assistance and those that will follow on the journey as there is no plan for those unemployed. The money is to meet increased demand over three years, starting this year. Budget documents show that 123,743 British Columbians now receive some form of social assistance, up from 106,289 last year at this time, and that number is expected to increase.

BC is now last for Minimum Wage and first for Child Poverty for 5 straight years …..2 shameful records that Gordon Campbell wears proudly on his chest!

“The B.C. Liberals’ budget has nothing to offer B.C. families other than higher Medical Service Plan premiums and a new sales tax. Now, because the Campbell government lied about the true size of the deficit, families are being forced to pay the price with higher taxes and deep cuts to public services,” said Coons.

Coons noted the opposition is hearing from middle and low-income families all over the province who are worried about the impact of the B.C. Liberals’ budget.

“Under the Campbell government’s post-election budget, minimum wage workers also have to worry about the HST and somehow stretch their dollar even further. Low and middle income families have many concerns about these added costs,” said Coons.

“Many parents throughout the province already have to take two or three jobs just to make ends meet, and this budget is only going to make it harder.”

Carole James and the New Democrats are calling for the minimum wage to be raised to $10.

Under the Campbell government, B.C. has had the worst rate of full-time job losses, the second-worst performing economy, and highest level of child poverty in the country.

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“Gordon Campbell didn’t campaign on cutting services for vulnerable children,” said Coons. “This is more proof of the B.C. Liberals pre-election budget deception.” 

The BCGEU says that six full time child protection worker positions will be eliminated from the region that includes Terrace, Kitimat and Prince Rupert because of budget shortfalls.

 “With poverty deepening due to deteriorating economic conditions, we can expect an increase in children needing the services of the ministry,” said Austin. “This is a cruel and senseless cut that puts children at risk.”

British Columbia has had the highest child poverty rates in Canada for five years in a row. During those years the British Columbian economy was apparently booming. I t seemed like all the government ever talked about was how rich we all were getting, and how much better everything was than it used to be.

However, the real tale of the economy seemed to be incomplete. The story that the B.C. Liberal government failed to tell us was the story of real incomes in British Columbia, and the real British Columbians who couldn’t make ends meet on those incomes.

Our booming economy was only ever booming for the richest people in our province. The richest ten per cent of British Columbian families with children increased their income by more than $47 000 per year from 1989 to 2006, while the incomes of poorest 20 per cent of British Columbians dropped.

We need to revisit the way we look at the economy. The huge profits of a few British Columbians can’t be seen as gains for everyone. Looking back, it’s easy to see how misleading statements about the economy were used as excuses to avoid solving the very real problems facing the people of this province.

First Call’s 2008 report card on child poverty in British Columbia shows that the majority of children who live in poverty in our province live in families where the adults have at least one full-time, full-year job.

All children deserve to be raised in stable homes, and stability simply isn’t possible without some measure of financial security. It’s discouraging that any child should be forced to suffer from poverty, especially in a country as rich as ours. However, it is even more of a concern to learn that parents are working hard, in full time jobs, and still unable to provide the opportunities their children need and deserve.  

The minimum wage in British Columbia hasn’t gone up since 2001.

It isn’t surprising that our child poverty rates continue to be high when incomes for most families remain stagnant or in decline. The economy should not to be measured by the riches of the top tenth of one percent of people in this country, but by the dollars in the pockets of ordinary individuals and families.